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November 8, 2012 / joninews

Bus Strike in Georgia is part of bigger end game – call it subterfuge!

Drivers of yellow buses went on strike. Jeffrey K. Silverman Three auto parks of the capital and over 1300 drivers participate in the
strike.
The drivers have 17-point demands. They demand improvement of labor
conditions and a salary increase. No buses are operating in Tbilisi and
citizens mainly travel by mini buses. The drivers say that this is a warning strike and if their demands are
not met the protest will be on a wide scale.

http://www.interpressnews.ge/en/society/42118-yellow-busses-on-strike-in-tbil…

Whoever is driving all of these strikes certainly don’t have the best
interests of the country at heart. This is planned and malicious damage
to the economy – a crime against the state (and we all know which party
is behind it all).

The problem which the perpetrators face is that they are trying to now
play the victim before on audience which they have previously victimized
and held in fear. This is why they were thrown out of power and they
only got as many seats as they now have because they did their level
best to steal the election – you could probably factor in that about 20%
of their votes as having been garnered by illicit tactics during the
election campaign and poll.

These are criminals standing up for criminals. It is little wonder that
they are doing all of this – playing dirty – when they know what is
coming once the truth comes out following deeper investigation into the
deaths of such people as Prime Minister Zurab Zhvania, Sergo Tetradze,
and Sandro Girgvliani, among others, and into the large scale corruption
which has taken place involving the auction of state assets and
monopolistic tenders and the revolving doors at Tbilisi City Hall.

All of these people – Saakashvili, Merabishvili, Akhalaia, Ugulava,
Bokeria, Sharangias, etc. are the true thieves-in-law in Georgia – they
know it – the whole country knows it and what they are trying to do now
just will not wash, not with Georgians and not with the Americans or the
Europeans (except perhaps with the EPP).

The people became power-mad and their depravity is well known among the
Georgian people. The great danger here is if they succeed in their aim
to pull the wool over just a few western eyes with their propaganda and
tactics – at best widespread unrest and unexplained bombings – at worst
a civil war could break out.

For a truer picture of just what sort of people we are dealing with here
– this is how they are viewed by the Georgian on the street:

Where does the “broom” of prison 8 stem from?

November 7, 2012 / joninews

Well, Misha, what goes around comes around. You can’t have it both ways!!!

Paybacks are hell in Georgia! Cold case murders heating up again!!!

In the wake of the arrests made of former Defence Minister Bacho
Akhalaia, Zurab Shamatava, the head of the 4th brigade of the armed
forces and Giorgi Kalandadze, the head of the Joint Staff, who stand
accused of verbally and physically and publicly assaulting a number of
military personnel, and in a clearly orchestrated yet somewhat
twitchy-assed attempt by the UNM to politicize the situation the
Parliamentary Minority have staged a walk-out from Parliament.

The problem is that no-one believes them anymore, and they well remember
Akhalaia’s deep involvement in the notorious and, as yet, unresolved
case of the murder of Sandro Girgvliani, who was killed by former PM
Vano Merabishvili’s and Akhalaia’s allies.

Perhaps the UNM are most worried that Akhalaia’s arrest will lead

http://www.interpressnews.ge/en/politics/42106-parliamentary-minority-suspend…

The Prosecutor’s Office today published the testimonies of several
witnesses, in which former employees of the Defence Ministry accuse
former Defence Minister Bacho Akhalaia, Zurab Shamatava, the head of the
4th brigade of the armed forces and
Giorgi Kalandadze, the head of the Joint Staff, of verbal and physical
abuse.

There were legal grounds for detention of former interior minister Bacho
Akhalaia and head of the Joint Staff Giorgi Kalandadze, Prime Minister
Bidzina Ivanishvili told journalists at the Courtyard Marriot hotel.

‘It was not a political detention and there were legal grounds for it. Everything took place within the law. I had not taken part in these processes and I can’t say anything more’, Ivanishvili said.

In his own thinly-veiled attack on the new Ruling Party President
Mikheil Saakashvili expressed his concern over the recent developments
and called on everyone to respect the rule of law and national
interests.

Well, Misha, what goes around comes around. You can’t have it both
ways!!!

November 3, 2012 / joninews

Corruption Stories that nobody wanted to hear in Georgia, especially the US Embassy!

Stories that nobody wanted to hear in Georgia:

“history of corruption that never ends”



Dairy of a muckraker: 

Jeffrey K. Silverman

Here are several areas that I interested in writing about, including the full story of Roddy Scott and what has really happened in Pankisi, the motivation, and especially his networking with Chechen fighters.


Here is a cross section of the areas that I have been working in the last few years. Hopefully you may have some better contacts in finding a home for such articles. Please feel free to work this over as you feel fit in making a pitch to Time or Newsweek. Things are a bit slow now, until Bush bombs Iraq and the timing might be right.


I shall look forward to working with you on some of these and other stories in the future.


Pankisi and Geopolitics


Georgia lies in a region where there are many unexploded zones of conflict and is it possible by helping the Georgia the United States and others are in fact doing more to tear it apart. Media reports are often written from a distance and much of what is published is not true. Everybody has been talking about the Pankisi “Gorge,” and lying about it.


When you are a journalist it very important to see a situation close and not to trust what you have read in the media or heard. People and countries have many reasons to lie about a situation, and by having been to Pankisi several journalist have information that contradicts what is being reported in the West.


Roddy Scott, a killed British journalist who wrote in response to an unedited article that was later published by the Eurasianet ,”Walk in the Country” about the situation in the Pankisi gorge, “I personally think it’s a great story, its about the first time I have ever seen the possibility for someone to really lift the lid on everything, rather than the usual ‘journo-grasping-at-straws-with-no-good-sources’ which seems to emanate from the region. And what really gives it the boost is that it is tied into US policy, which gives it the international rather than local/parochial flavor.


Corruption, Money Laundering and NGOs


Much is spoken of corruption but little is heard about actually fighting corruption in Georgia. Nevertheless, anyone who knows anything about Georgia understands that corruption is a plague that must be eradicated for this country to make true progress.


Newspapers publish countless stories on the topic. However, corruption in international organizations is a special problem that has rarely been addressed, because the media here is afraid of embarrassing international assistance efforts to which such a debt of gratitude is owed.


Case studies Potemkin Associations – NGOs


“Case study” Take for example a network of credit unions founded by ACDI/VOCA, which is an US based private nonprofit international Development that has been working in Georgia since 1993 with USDA/ USAID funding. Loans are provided to commercial wheat producers and these are reflected in the Tbilisi headquarter books as being for one year. However, actual loans are made for 10 months, which matures in the middle of the wheat-harvesting season when prices are substantially lower. If a farmer does not want to be late in payments, which will disqualify them for future loans, then they must sell the wheat for less than if they would have waited if they for two to three months more. The credit union profits when farmers sell beyond the 10-month period by imposing fines on peasant farmers, adding a little extra margin to the bottom line. Some farmer would like to mill the wheat into flour and make an extra margin from the value-added processing.


What is interesting is that it appears that staff members, elected representatives of the members themselves, i.e., the “supervisory board” of the credit association are in fact middlemen, wheat brokers. This information is supported by discussions with several farmers in East Georgia, and having access to copies of one contract that was signed in Georgian and English languages, which clearly demonstrates the level of thought and organization that has gone into this instance of corruption. If farmer complains about being forced into a marketing corner, or is late in payment, beyond the 10-month maturity date, then that farmer is refused future loans and this makes it almost impossible to plant a new crop. A local credit manager, assistant credit manager and bookkeeper carry out day to day management and the process is supported by other support personnel in Tbilisi who oversee the local credit unions.




However, there is much more below the surface than meets the eye, based on discussions with some key persons in the Georgian Ministry of Agriculture. One of the main problems is that staff, especially in the beginning. The problem is that ACDI/VOCA gives lots of control to their credit union Field Managers. These Field Managers are not hired based on their knowledge of credit and loan analysis but rather because of their “ties within the local community.” In other words, these people are often chiefs of the local tax inspectorate, former local administration executives, or other influential local politicians. They are hired to be able to force the farmers to pay.


Case Study of Corruption in International Development: UMCOR and UNDP Festival of Corruption: UMCOR’s (United Methodist Committee on Relief) Implementation of The 1996-1998 UNDP Income Generation Project


UMCOR received in the neighborhood of $160,000-$200,000 (this is what source remembers) from the UNDP to make a combination of grant plus no-interest loans to four separate organizations. Each organization received $40,000-$50,000, of which $20-25 K had to be repaid; the rest was just kept as a grant by the organization. So obviously, whoever was included in the program got a major sweetheart deal.


The source is unaware what procedures were made the select the four winners, but by all accounts the process was completely dirty. Let us look at who the winners were:


1) The medical services/international development firm Curatio. Curatio was created by UMCOR employees, its Board at the time consisted almost entirely of UMCOR employees, it was rumored to be owned by Georgian UMCOR employees using UMCOR grants. When UMCOR Deputy Director Sandro Kvitashvili left UMCOR he immediately became 2-3rd ranking chief of Curatio. Curatio got all kinds of contracts from UMCOR—for example it supplied the UMCOR health insurance until Khatuna Zaldastanishvili, Deputy Country Director, came in and removed them and substituted her own outfit as the health insurance provider. Curatio stopped being important after Khatuna became chief—a new Mafia had assumed power in UMCOR. Obviously, a fair tender process could not have considered Curatio given its ties to UMCOR—but nevertheless it won.

2) The second firm to win was a manufacturer of cement blocks. The name is unknown, but the owner had very close ties (as witnessed by source) to Georgia UMCOR managers, and also probably family ties to them.




At this point it should be noted that repayments of the loan part was overall very poor, but that the two firms above were much better in this regard than the next two.


3) A glassmaker. Source knows very little about this recipient, except that he did not pay back the loan portion.


4) The best of all the recipients was a certain project called “Underground.” The loan/grant was meant to set up some small stores in an underground passage under a street or leading into a Metro. The “recipients” simply took the money and ran. They did not do absolutely anything. No repairs, no visible sign of any work—nothing ever got started. The feeling amidst UMCOR was that UMCOR managers had split the money with some friends and manufactured a completely fictitious project. As easy money as one can possibly make!! Not a single cent was ever returned.


Everybody considered the project an unmitigated disaster, and UNDP roasted UMCOR expatriates about this at certain heated meetings…but of course this was after the fact. Where was UNDP when the crimes were being committed?


A thoroughly amusing Postscript on the project: The Project Manager was somebody called Mamuka (last name cannot be remembered). One would have thought that after the disaster he presided over he would never be able to find a job with international organizations in his life. Instead, he left the project prior to its conclusion and became head of contracts for the World Bank in Tbilisi, lecturing other people and organizations about how to conduct honest fair and transparent contracting process. The only effect of the project was to teach all Georgians involved that corruption truly does pay and that one can take the money from international donors get away with it, and laugh at them too. The corrupt will still get hired again by their buddies.”


USAID and Job Searching “But she didn’t get the job” UMCOR Fires Deputy Director for Corrupt Activities – Nevertheless USAID Close to Hiring Corruption’s “Iron Lady”


Sources inside the international NGO UMCOR confirm that its Georgia office in early June 2002 fired its Georgian Deputy Director Khatuna Zaldastanishvili on suspicion of graft and corrupt activities. Zaldastanishvili attained notoriety two years ago when an expose in the Georgian Profile magazine identified her as the driving force behind a number of dirty schemes carried out by the organization’s Georgian employees.



Officially, UMCOR’s contends her departure is due to the abolishment of her position as Deputy Director. However, this is clearly a fiction, since in that case she should have been assigned elsewhere instead of forced to leave. In reality, her dismissal involved an outrageous episode that a new UMCOR Director, less disposed than his predecessors to accept her “transgressions,” felt could not go unpunished.


According to these sources inside UMCOR, the firing followed an investigation of Zaldastanishvili’s connections to a local ketchup producing company for which she had proposed a huge grant (in USDA funds) of close to $500,000. According to the sources, suspicion began to grow when she pushed too hard to have this project approved, in the face of widespread skepticism of such a large sum being granted to a single, unknown company. In the end, the new UMCOR director launched an investigation that showed Zaldastanishvili to have close unofficial ties to this company, and that the directors of this firm had promised her payment of $200,000 if she could obtain the grant for them.


Zaldastanishvili’s dismissal comes at a time when her power inside UMCOR was greater than ever. She had recently achieved a long-standing ambition of fitting a local crony of hers in the position of Director of Agriculture programs, formerly reserved for expatriates. “She felt she could do anything, now that she controlled the highly lucrative USDA funded agriculture program” claims one source, “greed led to her downfall.”


One could think good riddance, but there is a twist to this story. It now appears that the USAID Mission in Georgia was set to hire Zaldastanishvili as a Foreign Service National. “The papers are already drawn up,” says a USAID Manager on condition of anonymity. Did USAID strike a deal with UMCOR to help ease Zaldastanishvili out, making it comfortable enough for her not to “spill the beans” on UMCOR?


NGO “Recently investigated in Georgia by USAID Office of Inspector General, three weeks ago. CARE International – sometime back in 2003.


Dear Mr. Silverman,


You have a very good reputation in uncovering corruption humanitarian organizations. I suggest you do some investigative work of CARE. The former Country Director, Tamara Tiffany, was quietly removed from her position about 6 months ago to avoid publicity.



While the Country Director, Ms. Tiffany used the CARE office and her position as a front for her own personal business.


Horizon Ltd.” The company has at least two individual businesses, a restaurant and a construction business. These two businesses are listed on the American Chamber of Commerce database of US companies operating in Georgia. Her husband supposedly owned horizon. In fact, she is the president of the company. This is clearly shown on the AmCham list.


While at CARE, she spent about half her time working on Horizon Ltd matters while being paid by US-based donors. She used CARE equipment to conduct her personal business. For example, each morning at work the fax machine was inundated with messages sent to her related to Horizon Ltd, not to the work of CARE. She had employees of CARE use work time to deal with matters solely related to Horizon Ltd. Finally, while she was working at CARE, the e-mail address for Horizon Ltd was: (Again refer to the AmCham list).


She used CARE’s import tax exemption to bring many assets into Georgia, including vehicles, which are used and owned solely by Horizon Ltd. In fact, the Horizon vehicle received yellow humanitarian license plates even though it is used only for her personal business. It is not clear what other materials and assets wee brought into the country under the CARE cover.


Ms. Tiffany should be investigated to see if CARE ever contracted with her construction company to do any other shelter work, of which CARE has done hundreds over the years. This would be a gross conflict of interests.


Not only was Ms. Tiffany quietly removed as part of a massive cover-up to protect CARE. It seems that USAID acquiesced in the removal in order to protect itself. And for all of this, Ms. Tiffany has been rewarded—she has been named as a member of the board of the American Chamber of Commerce in Tbilsi. US base NGOs like to talk about the problems of corruption in Georgia. What took place at CARE shows the level of hypocrisy that is commonplace.


Please do what you can to expose this so that one-day international NGOs will be able to redeem their integrity. I suggest that you begin by getting a copy of the AmCham database of US owned companies operating in Georgia and see for yourself—and then work backwards. There is a huge cover-up to be exposed.




Banking Scandals (US and European Funding)


Organized crime in Georgia is one of the most prevalent problems facing banking regulators and the international community. There are two clear-cut cases of banking fraud that, although separate, in many ways describe the panorama in viewing Georgian financial institutions in recent months. The way that he United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and the US Embassy reacted to a clear-cut instance of banking fraud may be more reflective of political expediency than actual greed and corruption.


Shore Bank (USAID and IFC funding, IFC is part of the World Bank Group).


In the Shore Bank case, it is not just that money was stolen while regulators appear to have looked the other way that was so embarrassing, but that the highly prized USAID-trained Georgian tax inspection participated in the looting of some of the money. Money was not only taken from the bank account, but revenues that were to flow into state coffers from Shore employment taxes went missing – this money was to be credited directly from TBC bank.


It will take the joint effort of several regulatory and international organizations working together to face the fallout of corruption in Georgia. Unfortunately, it appears at first impression that the international community and Western missions have been willing to turn a blind eye to the interface between such instances of corruption and networks of patronage, mainly because of not wanting to upset the fragile balance of outside interests and geopolitical rivalries that can easily spin out of control. The level of banking intrigue is reinforced with film and documentation and both internal and external investigative reports on how weapons are purchased from middlemen and are then passed along to Chechen fighters.


Facts (based on source inside USAID well acquainted with Shorebank issue, not for publication inside Georgia. Local hire, Nino Stepanishvili joined the bank in early 1999. She had previously worked for a major foreign pipeline construction firm in Tbilisi. It was believed she might have also stolen from them too. The theft from Shorebank is believed to have begun in early 2000. Shorebank in June 2002 eventually did initiate a criminal complaint against Stepanishvili (probably due to the Silverman investigation). There has been no further fallout—nobody has been arrested, and Georgian police are investigating but this has stopped now that USAID pulled life support for Shorebank. Shorebank fired two other local employees in July 2001, shortly after the discovery of the theft, on suspicion of collaboration with Stepanishvili.

Corrupt tax inspectors are believed to have played a key role in the conspiracy with Stepanishvili. “Tens of thousands” of dollars stolen represented tax payments, which Stepanishvili reported as paid, but in actuality were not, actually paid. Inspectors should have, but did not, report Shorebank’s non-payment for over a year, and were likely conspirators.

The tax inspectorate immediately launched an investigation once Stepanishvili was dismissed. USAID’s decision to have Shorebank pay up and shut up was due to embarrassment likely involvement of tax inspectors in this theft would have on the USAID project with the tax inspectors. Eventually tax inspectors forced Shorebank to pay a heavy fine due to “late payment” of taxes.

German Banker Life Threatened, “This story was broken by me in the Georgian Times Monday, December 2, 2002 (my name was not mentioned) but there is much below the surface. I still have all the correspondence between  Alexander von Gleich, banker and myself. I am saving that for the book. 

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October 22, 2012 / joninews

Georgia: US Controlled Colony, what now?

Georgia: US Controlled Colony

Since 2003 Georgia has been something of a U.S. colony, albeit greatly influenced by foreign intelligence agencies. The 2008 Georgian-Russian conflict over South Ossetia has much to do with networks of patronage linked to larger political agendas, arms dealers and oil pipelines; it appears that President Mikheil Saakashvili’s calling has been to play all sides, especially the U.S., for his own political and financial benefit. He is well-prepared for his eventual departure. 
Georgia experienced a serious political crisis around the time of the conflict, in which Saakashvili was pitched against the "United Opposition," a popular movement which grew in numbers after the government violently cracked down on peaceful protesters in Tbilisi’s Rustaveli Avenue on Nov. 7, 2007, and again on May 26, 2010. Finally, out of political expediency, and the decision made in the US that it was time for change, the pro democracy forces were able to gain the majority in Parliament with the help of the United States – at least, the US did not overtly take sides, thus clearing the way for the removal of its former favorite child.  Relatively free and fair elections resulted, thanks to EU monitors who proved at last that they cannot turn a blind eye to absolutely everything, and the US finally deciding to play tough love by threatening to cut off funding if the elections were again rigged.
The responsibilities of individuals and the state to conduct moral intervention, as they at times can team up, albeit for diverging and often short term marriages of convenience, need to be considered. The moral obligations of all actors do not decrease the further they are from direct involvement. Rather,  the opportunities for action and intervention increase the further they are  removed. Hannah Arendt’s understanding of  responsibility is outlined in her book “Eichmann in Jerusalem”, where she points out how “the degree of responsibility increases as we draw further away from the man who uses the fatal instrument with his own hands (247).” Responsibility cannot be delegated; it belongs to those most affected by an action. Every human being and fledgling state has a right to self-preservation, and no obligation or “side deal” should potentially compromise this right. 
Staged provocations have not been uncommon in Georgia, nor perceived winds of change. The lack of sound domestic policies required the creation of an external distraction and threat.  Saakashvili came to power in 2003 with the promise that he would restore Georgia's territorial integrity and develop democracy.  Prior to the heated parliamentary elections of 2008 and 2012 as his real popularity withered, attention was drawn to events in the conflict zones or some new tourism project, as this gave  Saakashvili more airtime and  mobilized all citizens by insisting on  the need to protect territorial integrity and  support the incumbent president as a means of doing that. That policy ultimately proved a dismal failure, and aside from a Potemkin village like make-over, Potemkin Democracy was firmly established with the help of the West, especially the US and EU. 

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October 21, 2012 / joninews

Why is Badri Patarkatsishvili better off dead than alive for some?

You be the judge: case of Badri Patarkatsishvili  “Badri” – why is he better off dead than alive for some?

“I believe you and Badri have one G–d and you will use this for the good for his family and children and for the truth.” Maybe this is bigger risk than I did before. I did it only for the sake of your religion and the future of my country.”
I found this article:

How close are you with this TV channel?

Otari Dabrundashvili’s   testimony

I, Otari Dabrundashvili, who lives at Balanchivadze Street No 28, Tbilisi, Georgia, make the following statement:

1. The following statements, unless stated otherwise by me, derive from my personal knowledge. If any statement is not based on my own knowledge, I rely on other information, the source of which is indicated by me, which I believe to be truthful.
2. My family's defense lawyer has informed me that documents or copies of the documents of the court hearings mentioned herein have been scanned and placed in a database known as the Database of the Ringtail Central Chancellery, which is hosted by the company FTI consulting (Ringtail).  During this testimony I will give the Ringtail identification numbers of the documents and copies of documents in the database, as they have been indicated to me by my family's defense lawyer.

 Introduction

3. I am a citizen of Georgia. My primary profession was that of an economist, and I worked in the field during the Soviet era. After the USSR's breakup I chose to work in the “GruzAvtoVazProm” company, basically because Badri Patarkatsishvili (“Badri”), a friend of mine since childhood, was working there.

4. I had known Badri since age 17-19. Our friendship was based on personal charisma. Shortly after we became acquainted with each other, Badri was introduced to Ina Gudavadze (“Ina”). They were in a friendly relationship for approximately 5 years and eventually married. After this I had very close relations with this family. Badri and I were both appointed Vice-Directors of “GrusAvtoVazProm".

5. When I was first introduced to Badri I noticed that he had some special quality, a notion that he could achieve many things in his life. He was self-confident and a naturally successful person. Most importantly, he always wished to achieve more. He was, as we say, a “man of business”. He was distinguished by his abilities in communication and technical/practical skills.

6. It was the great pleasure for me to work at “GruzAvtoVazProm”. This manufacturer was the main distributor in the Caucasus of the spare parts for the “Jziguli” cars manufactured by “Avtovaz”.  Badri and I often travelled together to the main “Avtovaz” factory, which was located in the Russian town of Tolyatti. Thanks to Badri I gained many friends there. These included Boris Berezovsky (hereinafter “BB”), who Badri and I met many times in Tolyatti, Georgia, Israel and London (information about this will be provided below).

7. From the moment, at the beginning of the 90’s, when Badri agreed to move to Moscow to join “Logovaz”, where he worked as a part-time consultant, I began to detach myself from “GruzAvtoVazProm” and any “Logovaz” connections,  as I was then back  in Georgia, where I was working as a commercial director. For 1-2 years I worked on my own projects in Georgia, so I had no business ties with Badri. Despite this I still had good relations with his family.

8. I would say that long before this time, and subsequently, Badri was undoubtedly very fond of his family, and this was clear to me. During one of my visits to Moscow he introduced me to his boy, who was with him. He said that he was called Dato (Davit). The boy was about 1 year old, and his mother was Olga Saphonova (“Olga”) – a woman I had met many years before in Tolyatti in the “Avtovaz” factory.  She had become acquainted with Badri, as far as I know, in the Tolyatti factory and later moved to a job in the Moscow office of “Avtovaz”.  Badri had friendly relations with Olga, but I never heard Badri say that Olga was his partner or mistress, all I heard from him was how much he loved Ina and his own family.

9. I am absolutely faithful to Badri and his family and will remain faithful. This is a widespread practice in Georgian business circles. People operate more through trust in a person than formal regulations or civil and legislative norms. Badri took care of me and my family, he never paid me a salary and if he suggested it I would refuse to take one.  We were so close to each other and trusted each other so deeply that this was not necessary. Instead, I received from Badri as much money as was necessary for me and my family to have a roof over our heads and a car, cover education costs for my children.  Buy food and spare clothes and so on. In fact we acted as one family. I have the same relations with Badri’s family today. At the same time I would like to underline that this will not affect negatively the truthfulness and correctness of this testimony. I express myself correctly as far as I can.  I am well aware of my obligations before the Court, and no one has told me not to fulfill those obligations, in full and with due respect.

 Badri’s return to Georgia in 2001

10. At the beginning of 2001 Badri called me over the phone and said that he was about to return to Georgia and take up permanent residence. When he returned we and his two sisters visited the tomb of his father.  This was a very emotional moment, at which he turned to me and said that from then on he would stay in Georgia forever.  He asked me to stay with him as his assistant. I agreed, I spent all my time with him, helping him in his day-to-day affairs and resolving problems with different projects. Moreover I often accompanied him on his business trips.

11. When Badri and I were in Moscow on business I concluded that Badri had close personal and business relations with Mr. BB.  Badri informed me that he was a full shareholder of BB’s operations in Russia. At that time Badri had no serious operations in Georgia. On his return to Georgia in 2001 he never mentioned BB in connection with his investments in Georgia. As I spent every working day with Badri, I believe he had no reason to lie to me about this, continually, over a period of years. Moreover, if BB (or any other person) had had shares in Badri’s Georgian investments, Badri would have told me about this. Because I was involved in these investments, and I was a partner in many of them, in favour of Badri, if any other person, and especially such a person as BB, had had shares in these particular operations, I believe Badri would inevitably have told me this at some point, and BB also would have asked me about his shares. I cannot recall any such statement or indication ever being given.

12. Badri would consider it inappropriate to discuss the details of his business dealings outside Georgia, with which I had no connection, with me.

Working procedures and documents

13. I would like to touch on circumstances connected with Badri and his family and work. When he first returned from Moscow we worked from his flat, which is at Paliashvili Street No 110. After this, he purchased the former Wedding Palace in Tbilisi and began repair work there.  When these were completed, in 2003, he moved his residence and office to this Palace. He spent much time there. He worked there with his private secretary, Maya Motserelia, but during the day almost all his hours in the Palace he spent with me.  

As I was working alongside him I did not need my own office. Many people regarded me as Badri’s shadow. In connection with Badri’s business activities many other people also spent a lot of time with Badri, for example Paata Namshuridze, but no one spent as much time with him as I did. 

14. I was the head of Badri’s administration, responsible for security, drivers, etcetera, and as  will be discussed below, I ran more than one comparatively small Georgian business operation,  many of which I also purchased, but always with Badri’s money and his consent. In fact the purchase of many of these companies came about after I had suggested it to Badri, and Badri agreed to purchase them, or consented to me doing so, trusting that I could create something useful out of them together with him.

15. I did not need to keep much documentation in connection with my activities and communications or any other papers. My work was primarily done over the phone. Written correspondence was composed and sent from Badri’s office by Maya Motserelia.

16. I have been asked to comment on how Badri produced big documents. Through working with Badri for so many years, it became very clear to me that he disliked reading big documents. He preferred short annotations and hearing explanations of details from people verbally, rather than researching written details. I am aware that Badri’s knowledge of the English language was basic conversational English. At the beginning of 2000 his level of English was very restricted, but by the beginning of 2007 his knowledge had improved so much that he could hold simple dialogues with people, which did not require him to engage in long conversations and complicated discussions.

I never saw him read any English documents and I do not believe that he could have done this or had any interest in doing this.  He could only read small English documents of an elementary level. It is unlikely that Badri would ever have read, approved or signed any important documents in the English language. I remember that from time to time he asked Maya or persons working with Maya to summarise for him the content of short documents in English. The long documents were always translated into Georgian/Russian for him.

17. In the middle of November 2007 (as will be explained below) Badri was in Israel but preparing for the presidential campaign in Georgia. I left him in Israel, for he was still working there, and lived in London with his family in his home at Downside Manor.  At approximately this time I was informed that Badri was nervous about documents and writings in Georgia which might be used against him. Later I believe Badri ordered his staff to destroy his private and business documents in Georgia.

18. l I also believe that the Georgian government confiscated  documents from the office near the Sport Palace were Badri kept papers concerning his companies and operations. The above-mentioned office was run by Mr. Giorgi Jaoshvili. As far as I am aware these documents have not been returned even to this day.

19. I am not aware If Badri kept any other records in Tbilisi or any other place.  I am not aware if any audio or any other records were kept in his offices. At the same time I believe that for such an important businessman as Badri it is usual to make records of discussions. I am aware that Badri and his family employed a Mr. Sazanov to undertake security measures, but I am not aware whether or not he was tasked with making records.  I was once introduced to Andrey Lugovoy in Tbilisi, as a guest of Badri, but I am not aware whether Badri asked him to make any records.

The operations in Georgia

20. As previously mentioned many of Badri's operations in Georgia were officially registered in my name. These included lands, buildings, construction projects, and so on. Many of them had emerged from business opportunities which I had detected and suggested to Badri as potential investments. If we agreed on such projects, their management was usually entrusted to me and/or other persons. Generally the management of property, taxes and relations with third parties were easier for a person with legal ownership rights to undertake. Badri was not willing to engage in such relations in connection with such operations. Consequently these smaller operations were purchased with Badri's money, but registered officially in my name, and/or that of other person.  Badri himself paid much more attention to his bigger investments, such as “Kulevi”, “Imedi”, “Magti”, “Borjomi” and “Rustavi” and to charitable activities. He entrusted with great pleasure, to me and persons like me, the management of comparatively small scale operations.

21. Whilst preparing this testimony I drafted a list of all those Georgian operations which really belonged to Badri but were registered in my name or others' names. This list I passed to the defence lawyers of Ina Gudavadze.  The original is the document known as Georgian Language Draft (1). It was drafted by me whilst preparing this testimony, and not in connection with the other court hearing known to me. The list of above mentioned operations is the same, or as near as possible, as the list I passed soon after the funeral of Badri to Mrs. Ina Gudavadzen Tbilisi. I do not know for which purposes she needed this but I think she was trying to identify which operations in Georgia belonged to Badri. 

22. The taxes levied on property registered in my name were comparatively low, and I paid them with sums of money given me by Badri. I think the same procedure was followed in all Badri’s operations which were registered in the names of others. In some cases properties were managed by warrants of attorney – in other words, by proxy (trusts). I know Badri created some trusts in offshore zones in the names of his and/or other families.  Following this it is clear that it was impossible to register those operations under my name.  At the same time, in several cases, some companies presented warrants in my name for the purpose of managing the above mentioned operations on their own behalf.

23. One or two of the above-mentioned operations were put into the hands of offshore holding companies.  I considered that some of the big landholdings which I managed would be more secure if registered in the name of trusts (offshore companies). That’s why I asked the Georgian defence lawyers of Badri to take the necessary measures to register those lands with offshore companies. I sometimes discuss these questions with Badri, but in many cases I acted on my own initiative.

24. At the beginning of 2000 Badri appeared to make progress in his understanding of foreign legislative systems and began to become more interested with using such systems to protect his ownership rights in various operations and the regulation of his relations with these entities.  Despite this, as mentioned above, this did not affect his operations in Georgia, which were Badri’s possessions but registered in my name. The basis for their registration was agreed between me and Badri and was absolutely clear.

25. In such cases formalities were never necessary. As mentioned, my relations with Badri were based on mutual trust, as were all my other formal relations with Badri.

Khulevi

26.  I know the following about Badri's participation in the Khulevi Petroleum storage depot. Badri told me that he had decided to invest in Khulevi and to conduct construction and development work there together with Vitali Sepashvili.  As far as I am aware, Vitali Sepashvili was already the owner of Khulevi, but wished Badri to invest in the petroleum storage depot to provide   necessary investment capital. Many times I visited Khulevi during the construction work together with Badri.  In approximately 2003 Badri also purchased the locomotive engine which was kept in the Broadcloth factory (Maudkamvoli). He told me that he would need to use this engine, in due time, to transport the oil containers. He also said that a railway line would be constructed from Poti to the Khulevi petroleum storage depot along the Black Sea coast.

I received an official invitation for the opening ceremony of this in 2008, and also two brochures in which Vano Chkhartishvili was named as a partner in this venture. I had not heard this man's name before in connection with the oil terminal. In these documents I saw the names of the other partners/companies involved in the venture but not Badri’s name. I was very surprised. I do not know why this omission was necessary. When I asked Ina, she said that no doubt Badri was an investor. She add that in fact everyone knew that since Badri’s death many of those people whom Badri had trusted and had had business relations were trying to take his property  into their own hands, and in many cases were treating Badri’s property as their own if it was formally registered in their name.

27. In the case of the Rustavi metallurgical factory, I know that Badri was the 100% owner of this factory. I also knew that he involved other persons in the management of this factory – particularly Joseph Kay (“Kay”).  I am certain that Badri would have told me if he considered any of these persons to be the legitimate owner of this factory.  It is clear that all the operations Badri owned he owned for himself and his family.

28.  Badri informed me that the was introduced to Kay for the first time when  Badri and Ina visited  New York in the mid 90's, when Kay and his family were living  in poverty.( I do not remember whether I was aware  if Badri had been  acquainted with Kay since childhood).  In any case, Badri cared for Kay when Kay arrived in Moscow. During one or two of my visits to Moscow Badri explained to me that he was taking care of Kay and his family, and in particular had got jobs in “ORT” for Kay and Kay’s sister and brother-in-law, who had accompanied him to Moscow.

29.    I was informed that Kay was a distant relative of Badri, and therefore concluded that this was the reason Badri had appointed him to a senior position. Eventually Kay began to work for Badri and/or some operations were registered in his name. This was exactly the case with the Rustavi metallurgical factory, and also the Agara sugar factory which Kay ran together with Tariel Shaverdashvili. Bearing this in mind, among the trusted friends of Badri Kay had a very exceptional role.

Roman Abramovich

30. I met Roman Abramovich twice when he visited Badri. One time was when Mr. Abramovich came to Georgia for a short visit with Badri.

31. The second meeting was very remarkable. It took place in Israel in the Camp David Hotel in the middle of 2007. Badri and I often stayed there, as did BB back then. I knew that BB was suing Abramovich, or was about to sue him. At the same time Badri had good relations with Mr. Abramovich.

I saw that the dialogue between them was without tension or difficulties. I remember that when the three of us were drinking coffee together, Badri, BB and I, Badri stood up and said that we should go  shopping and buy presents (Badri loved to buy presents; he often gave presents to Ina and his family). As we were about to go out of the hotel we accidentally encountered Abramovich in the lobby. He was dressed in old jeans and a t-shirt and was eating crackers.  Badri approached him and said that it was funny that they had met, and even funnier that   BB was sitting near Mr. Abramovich and drinking coffee. It was clear that Badri was making this comment in the context of the pretensions of BB.  In this context Badri jokingly said to Abramovich: “If Boris wins, I will get 50% of the sum he will gain from you in the courts, if you win I will get 50% from you.”

Breaking of economic ties

32. In 2003-2004 Badri was concerned about the social and political positions of BB in Russia. I know that at the beginning of 2004 Badri stated openly that his personal wish was to separate his business operations from those of BB. He discussed this subject for 2-3 years. It was clear that this question seriously worried him, as he was connected with BB by solid friendship and faithfulness.

33. Around the end of 2005 he said that he would not be having any more business dealings with BB. After this he said that he had officially detached his shares from those of BB. This information was disseminated in the media, where it was stated that BB and Badri were still friends, but wouldn’t be doing business together any more.

Presidential campaign

34. In the middle of November in 2007 I departed for Israel with Badri. This visit was connected with Badri’s presidential campaign in Georgia. In Israel I openly expressed my deep concern about his decision to take part in the presidential campaign. I thought this was an inappropriate step for him and a burden he should not take on. I think that in this particular matter Badri had taken into consideration, and followed, BB’s opinion. The next day he politely declared to me that it would be better if I left Israel. He suggested that I move to London and live with his family till the end of the presidential campaign.  I moved to London and lived in Surrey, in Downside Manor, until the death of Badri in 2008.

Death of Badri in 2008

35. Badri returned to Downside Manor from Israel after his presidential campaign was over.  Although I remember well many of the things which happened before his death, at the time of his death and afterwards, in many cases I cannot rationally explain even today why some of them took place.

36. On the day before his death and the day of his death Badri woke up early in the morning and went out of Downside Manor, not telling anybody anything. I almost always went everywhere with him, so this seemed strange to me. On the day Badri died, February 12, he returned home late in the afternoon. The chef told me that Badri was preparing to have supper with me and others that evening. When I approached the dining table Badri asked me to move from the place allocated for me at the other end of the table and sit at the right side of him. I was surprised by this because this seat was usually reserved for his brothers-in-law. Badri recommended that I try the food, but did not eat anything himself. He was very tired, exhausted, but he did not say why.

37. After supper we went to sleep.  After this I was called to see him and when I entered his room I saw that one of his drivers was performing resuscitation procedures on him. He was a former soldier tasked with conducting medical procedures. It was soon evident that nothing was helping him and that Badri was dead. The police who were called closed the house for the night and the greater part of the next day. After the police opened the house up again several people came, among them BB and Mr. Glushkov. They said that they had been waiting outside for a very long time. After this BB (and many other people) came in and out many times. He was crying.

38. In the following days I saw Ina periodically as discussions were pending with defence lawyers. Naturally, as I do not know English I did not understand what they were talking about.  I was not sure how to act, or what to tell Ina. Ina herself was very upset after Badri’s death; she became inadequate, and stopped dealing with things which needed attention and serious consideration.

39. But the most worrying was the day when Ina, Natela and Ina’s daughters returned from Downside Manor with me to Georgia. Till that moment I had thought that Ina had signed those judicial documents which the English lawyers had been discussing with her and that this signature was merely connected with the procedures of certifying Badri’s death. 

-- http://www.fastmail.fm - mmm... Fastmail...
October 10, 2012 / joninews

Murder of Zurab Zhvania, former Georgian PM, cold case is heating up!!!

MAN HUNT, FBI AGENT:  Brian Paarmann rewarded and promoted for cover-up of murder of Georgian PM
Years ago, 2004, Brian Paarmann is quoted by the Caucasian Knot as saying, “[thus far] … we see no evidence to consider that certain forces were involved in Zhvania’s death. We have no reasons to dispute the conclusions drawn by our Georgian colleagues.” 

FBI experts consider Zhvania’s death accident

According to preliminary data, the death of Zurab Zhvania was a tragic accident. FBI experts came to such a conclusion after in Tbilisi, they had studied investigation materials concerning the Georgian prime minister’s death. FBI legal attache in Georgia Brian Parman told the Caucasian Knot correspondent about it. “By now we see no evidence to consider that certain forces were involved in Zhvania’s death. We have no reasons to dispute the conclusions drawn by our Georgian colleagues,” he said.
Mr Paarmann noted that 1,400 people died from carbon monoxide in the US last year. He also pointed out that the group of FBI agents who finished their work in Tbilisi specialized in poison gases as well as carbon monoxide. The FBI agents took away to the US samples from the flat in which Zhvania died. Results of the examination, which will be done in an FBI laboratory in the US, will be known in 3-4 weeks and submitted to the Georgian government.
Zurab Zhvania was found dead on February 3 in a rented flat in Tbilisi, where he was together with vice governor of the Kvemo-Kartli region Raul Yusupov.
FBI INVESTIGATION
(Moscow Times) Agents from the FBI’s Turkish office conducted unspecified tests in the apartment where Zhvania and his host were found dead on Feb. 3. Katuna Khvediashvili, a spokeswoman for Georgia’s prosecutor general, said the agents’ preliminary conclusions “coincided with those made by their Georgian colleagues.”
FBI arrives to investigate Gori bombing, Zhvania’s death
24-Saati reports that American FBI specialists arrived in Tbilisi to investigate the Gori terrorist act and former Prime Minister Zurab Zhvania’s death.
“Participation of the American Federal Bureau of Investigation in both cases took place only because the Georgian side requested their presence, so as to provide the Georgian population with an answer to the question is anything being concealed from them,” stated U.S. Ambassador to Georgia Richard Miles.
According to Miles, the FBI does not doubt results of the technical examination and also does not have any evidence pointing to Zhvania’s murder. He states that the United States does not see any connection between the Gori terrorist act and Zhvania’s death. “America does not doubt the jurisdiction and good will of the Georgian side,” said Miles.
Deputy General Prosecutor Giorgi Janashia stated that the American specialists are taking part in the investigation. “FBI specialists have checked all the information concerning the heater that was installed in the Raul Usupov’s flat and learnt all the details of it,” stated Janashia. 
Dated Commentary 
As written back in 2004, the“news,” for those who haven’t been following breaking news, is that Georgian Prime Minister Zurab Zhvania was killed on February 3rd of this year by carbon monoxide poisoning; authorities there have so far called the death accidental. Zhvania’s younger “friend,” his host for the evening, also died in the fatal “leak from a faulty Iranian heater.”
(The deadly beast in question is sometimes referred to as a “badly installed Iran-made heater” or an “Iranian heater that was recently installed ignoring safety codes,” but, oddly, if it’s a Georgian official speaking, they inevitably bring up the fact that the heater was from Iran. Are they on GWB’s payroll and milking the divine opportunity to subliminally paint Iran in a bad light?
Or maybe they’re playing that age old Georgian game of plant-a-villain, which Stalin particularly excelled at; knowing that the entire population would first howl and snarl: “Russia!” upon hearing of the PM’s untimely death, they could have popped the concept of another potential bad guy into the national consciousness, and thus staved off the inevitable collective groan of: “….wait a minute. You’re the ones who wanted him gone….”  Or, perhaps most likely, maybe Saakashvili’s boys are stupider than we give them credit for.)
October 10, 2012 / joninews

Georgian Prison Torture – Russian Text

Одна из многих ужасающих историй о пенитенциарной системе Грузии.
«Волки-садисты охраняют овец» – тюремные ужасы продолжаются.

Седьмого июля текущего года был арестован мой партнер и друг Георгий Кебурия. Причиной его ареста стали определённые проблемы в его прошлой деятельности в сфере бизнеса. Он по сей день находиться в предварительном заключении в Глданской тюрьме №7. Мне было отказано с ним встретиться. Адвокатам, в свою очередь, не удалость установить точную причину его задержания. Судебного процесса по его делу всё ещё нет. Адвокаты и члены его семьи настолько напуганы, что всячески избегают разговоров на эту тему. Мы всё ещё не знаем реальной причины его ареста. Даже посол Нидерландов в Грузии Шота Гвинерия, который встречался с Кебурией до его ареста, не захотел говорить на эту тему, Посол, однако полагает, что обвинение, выдвинутое против Кебурии, сфабриковано, хотя он не имеет возможности вмешаться в дело. Георгий попросил посла, чтобы ему дали в тюрьме Библию, но адвокату не разрешили сделать этого. Позднее посол Нидерландов прислал мне разъяснение по поводу случая, в котором он говорит следующее: «Вы наверное крайне удивлены моей позицией, тем более принимая во внимание мою должность и мои функции. Но позвольте разъяснить, что, первое, я дипломат, второе  – я не прокурор и не судья, и третье, я не правомочен оказывать влияние на юридические и неюридические процедуры, которые имеют место в Грузии».
Четвертого октября сего года, в 5. 30, я направился в тюрьму. Показав администрации свой паспорт и сказав, что явлюсь свидетелем Иеговы, потребовал встречи со своим партнером Г. Кебурией. Просьба моя была без проблем удовлетворена, и я встретился с Георгием. Встреча оказалось очень эмоциональной, что нетрудно понять. Мне сразу бросилось в глаза то, что он слишком похудел. Георгий рассказал мне обо всем том, что ему пришлось пережить с первого дня своего пребывания в тюрьме.
Для меня до этого момента было просто невообразимо, что в Грузии могут случаться подобные зверства. Теперь, однако я, зная, что в тюрьмах охранники насилуют и пытают заключенных, и делают другие всякого рода мерзости, и что человек подвергается всему этому с самого первого дня своего заключения. Комната №2, в которой проходила моя встреча с Георгием, была оснащена камерами и микрофонами. Наш разговор продолжался 45 минут. Моё изумление и восхищение вызвала сила веры, которую я увидел в Георгии. Три месяцев постоянных пыток и истязаний не сломили его. Его не столько волновала собственная судьба, сколько он беспокоился обо мне. Я готов был заплакать, но сумел сдержать слёзы до выхода из тюрьмы. С первого дня своего заключение Г. Кебурия молился, держа в руке тюремную Библию, которой в тюрьме никто не пользовался, демонстрируя охранникам пример стойкости.
На следующие день, я, вместе с парой моих друзей, снова попытался увидеть Георгия. Один из них гражданин США, журналист и правозащитник. Днем раньше я пообещал Георгию снова навестить его и сделать всё возможное, для того чтоб вытащить его из этого дыры. Однако тюремная охрана на этот раз не позволила нам встретиться. Было названо множество причин отказа. Первой причиной было то, что журналистам и правозащитникам не разрешено посещать заключенных. Они при этом сослались на законодательство, согласно которому  свидание с заключенными разрешено лишь их ближайшим родственником. При этом мы могли прочесть этот закон лишь на веб-сайте. Подобное, однако является нарушением прав человека.
Когда же мой друг категорический потребовал, чтобы его впустили как журналиста  и правозащитника, то ему отказали и назвали его провокатором. Над нами даже стали насмехаться. Представители тюремной администрации затем связались по телефону с центром по защите прав человека и проверили, был ли мой друг послан сюда этим учреждением. Начали проверять наши связи. Всё это наглядно продемонстрировало, что министерство внутренних дел и организации, защищающие права человека в Грузии в действительности активно сотрудничают с друг другом и что МВД имеет своих информаторов всюду.
После всего этого они сказали нам, что сейчас уже очень поздно и что свидания разрешены лишь до 18 часов. Однако это было очевидной ложью, поскольку днем раньше меня впустили в тюрьму в 17:45. Таким образом, они попытались создать новое препятствие и сказали, что во время вчерашнего моего посещения было сделано исключение. Теперь же они обязаны придерживаться установленных правил. Согласно тюремной администрации, мы должны были достать разрешение от департамента для тюрем, который находиться на улице Горгасали №83. Мы действительно не могли понять того, почему днем раньше меня так легко впустили в тюрьму. Неужто из-за того, что я держал в руке библию и литературу Свидетелей Иеговы?
Я пишу о моих впечатлениях, в частности о том, что мне пришлось увидеть в течение последних дней и о том, что пришлось пережить моему другу Георгию Кебурия. То, что меня поразила во время всего этого, было не новое здание тюремного корпуса, а духовная сила и стойкость моего друга, который был заточен в своей тюремной камере и находился в полном моральном неведении. Меня также удивило и то, что во всех коридорах тюрьмы можно было видеть разную религиозную символику, а также священнослужителей, которые были одеты в черное. Как же такое могло быть, чтобы эти священники ничего не рассказывали миру о тех ужасных вещах, которые происходят в этой тюрьме. Это не происходило по той причине, что вся система окутана мраком. Эти вещи вышли на явь лишь после тех жутких видеокадров, которые недавно были показаны разними телеканалами. Даже, несмотря на то, что все – заключенные, их семьи, правозащитники –  знали обо всём том, что происходило в тюрьмах, никто не отваживался говорить о них открыто. Боялись за свою собственную жизнь и безопасность, как и за жизнь и безопасность своих близких.
В тюремном зале я также увидел транспарант, сделанный в современном стиле. Он извещал, что в 2011 году эта тюрьма удовлетворяла все требования европейского стандарта.
По рассказам Георгия Кебурия, 85 человек из тюремной администрации лично участвовали в пытках заключенных и они до сих пор занимают свои должности. Те методы пыток, которых подверглись Кебурия  и его сокамерники, можно узнать лично от них. Они больше не боятся говорить правду.
После нескольких лет, что я прожил в Грузии, я понял, что здесь нет реальной демократии, что это ничто иное как лжедемократия Микки Мауса. Самими большими ценностями Христианской религии являются любовь и сострадание, однако исходя из той информации, которую я получил в результате посещения тюрьмы, можно сказать, что главными ценностями в Грузии являются  – дубинка, метла и «очень плохие слова».
С самого первого момента, когда Георгий оказался в тюрьме, 20 охранников, которые обязаны били объяснить ему свои права, жестоко избили его. Когда человек становиться заключенным, первое, что ему должны предоставить, это зачитать его права и объяснить тюремные правила и тюремный порядок. Это стандартная практика во всем мире. Но здесь новых заключенных избивают до полусмерти, оскорбляют, унижают и говорят, что они отсюда никогда не выйдут живимы. Точно также угрожали Георгию. После первого избиения Георгий в течение трёх дней не мог встать с постели и ходить. На протяжении 7 дней ему не разрешали мыться и менять одежду, что является ещё одним методов пыток.
Георгию противостояло 100 представителей тюремной администрации. Они мучили его и вели себя как дикие звери. В конце, когда я уже покидал комнату №2, он сказал мне следующее: «Вилли, мы братья и у нас есть отец, который любит нас. Зовут отца нашего Иегова и в этой тюрьме уже каждый знает имя это. Те, кто совершал всё это, ответят перед ним. Прежде всего те, кто отдавал приказы (включая Мишу Саакашвили). Бог видит всё».
Они ответят перед богом за страдания моего друга. Те преступления, которые совершили эти люди есть ничто, в сравнении с тем, что творят тюремные надзиратели и другие служащие этого заведения по отношению к ним. Как они могут после всего этого спокойно возвращаться домой и смотреть в глаза своим детям и другим членам семьи? Лично я шокирован всем тем, что здесь происходило.
Самым вопиющим фактом во всей этой истории, по словам моего американского друга, является то,  что Гурам Донадзе, который является директором Глданской тюрьмы (раньше он руководил пресс-службой МВД и является сейчас также директором телекомпании REAL TV. Он находиться также в близких отношениях с Бачо Ахалаия и Тако Салакая) был назначен правительством ответственным за проведение реформы в данном учреждении. По некоторым данным Донадзе также замешан в деле Сандра Гиргвлиани, в котором последний после пыток был зверский убит. Мы имеем дело с ситуацией, когда волку вверяют охрану овец. «Подобные субъекты не должны занимать столь ответственные должности» – говорит мой американский друг – правозащитник.
Спустя три месяца после ареста Георгия Кебурия, всё ещё остается без ответа вопрос, почему его так долго держат в тюрьме. Эта история Микки Мауса, которая ничего общего с демократией не имеет. Мой грузинский партнёр и друг всё еще не знает точно, за что его посадили. Ему еще не даже не предъявили формального обвинения. Вероятнее всего, его арестовали на основании чьей-то жалобы, которая так и не была никем изучена.

Доклад составлен после посещения Глданской тюрьмы № 7.
Авторы доклада –  Вильям ван дер Вейде (Голландия) и Джефри Сильверман (США).

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